Contemporary Racial Representation

Contemporary Racial Representation

Throughout American history, racism has been a central force. A majority of preachers, as well as abolitionists, justified slavery using racial arguments. The pervasiveness of racism implied that nobody was insusceptible to its seductive authority, black people as well. Presidents such as Barack Obama decried the erosion of African American families during his presidential reign. However, it is notable that the above-mentioned erosion was partly as a result of poor economic opportunity, in addition, to appeal to self-reliance among blacks where African Americans require to face their complicity in their condition. Amid a sequence of police shootings of blacks during the second term of Barack Obama, movements such as Black Lives Matter started as a rallying cry and latter movement. The movement helped to push forward racism as a matte in need of progressive discourse. As time went by, the 2017 polls revealed record-high backing for special treatment among Democrats to assist African Americans along with the idea of racial discrimination being the significant hindrance towards racial parity.

In contemporary American political dialogue, racism signifies hatred, and almost everybody claims to be against it. However, most of the contemporary opposition have resorted to an increasing opposition, spurred by the emergence of Donald Trump and modern politics which have been fervent to denounce African American politicians although hesitant to condemn white racists. In numerous liberal spheres, a movement has collected momentum: a crusade decrying racism. It can be termed a fierce movement and in some instances quite frivolous, aiming its outraging power at excessive prison sentences, numerous in-between offences and tasteless costumes for Halloween (Reed 2018, p.105). The movement appears to have been principally transformative among liberals of white origin who are by some extents more apprehensive about racism compared to African Americans.

Typically, the majority of white Americans are not liberals; hence make the campaign decrying racism to take the form of a conflict against whites mainly. There are numerous prominent combatants of this discourse among them Robin DiAngelo, who was a white trainer on work-place diversity, available to assist organizations in training their labour force on being extra vigilant towards race. According to Hooks (1992, p.2), white identity is fundamentally racist; hence the struggle to be of less white origin. However, opponents of identity politics are convinced about racism being objectively identified and as a result, fought and later on vanquished. The latter is only possible through positive and correct representation in contemporary politics. Further on, it is important to stop regarding racism as a disapproving and start considering it a simple definition so that it is possible to invite others in the work of being antiracists. Hooks (1992, p.3) writes that one either becomes a racist and approves the notion of racial hierarchy or becomes an anti-racist and endorses racial equality. However, it is not possible to be entirely not racist. Hence, individuals should always choose a side to support; actually, the choice is usually in motion at all times. The contemporary war against racism, according to the majority’s observation, is powered by a sort of divine fervour. In addition, the perception of black under-accomplishment lends backing for policies against blacks, which, as a result, preserve the condition which inspires racist speeches.

For quite some time, the critical challenge among African Americans has been expanding the discourse with regard to race and representation past the debates concerning good and bad images. Frequently, what is considered to be suitable is simply a response against representations established by white people which were manifestly stereotypical. However, currently, there has been an increased population of blacks, creating as well as marketing these stereotypical images similar to those of the white people. While it is not a matter of whites and blacks, it is one of standpoint relating to the political perspective from which individuals dream, view, create as well as take action. For individuals who venture to desire contrarily, the issue of racial representation is not merely concerned with critiquing the present circumstances. It is additionally concerning altering the image, establishing options, asking questions relating to the types of images to subvert, posing critical options and altering the world’s perceptions (Gilroy 2013, p.273). Furthermore, it also regards shifting away from dualistic perspectives concerning good and bad. Establishing a space to incorporate a transgressive image which is the outlaw rebel idea, is imperative to any attempt of creating a framework for transformation. Moreover, little progress can be made through transforming images without changing paradigms, shifting perspectives and ways of envisioning.

Any phenomenon which seizes the country’s focus to a large extent requires to be headlined by writers and given a name. However, it proves challenging to discuss the Black Lives Matter Movement and fail to impart on it a false institutional coherence. Obviously, the 1960s civil rights movement was far from colossal. However, there are not analogous to today’s activist sphere as occupied by the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee and the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (Reed 2005, p.95). Although decentralized, it is coordinated considering the lack of top to down mandates. Still, the movement appears diffuse and protean although has mounted some most effective civil rights activism and racial representation. It aided in securing the removal of the Confederate flag as well as pressuring investigation of policies practices in Baltimore and Fergusson by the federal government. The Black Lives Matter Movement has been entirely instrumental in pushing forward matters concerning African Americans in relation to racial representation. It has managed to push for policy proposals on issues which mainly concern African Americans and a bunch of proposals aimed at uprooting police violence which has been prevalent, especially in the last two decades.

The Black Lives Matter movement has had a profound yet less concrete impact. However, it has drastically altered the visceral encounter of being African American in the United States. The above idea is evident in the way recording engagements with the police has become a society reflex. The latter is a habit which is empowering while it also mirrors black vulnerability. The black vulnerability perspective is shown in the emergence of a new group comprised of African American public intellectuals as well as the start of a fresh political language. The idea is also depicted in everyday experiences. The movement seems to be changing into a new era. According to Hooks (1992, p.3), the movement fails to effectively carry out its duties and fulfil its expectations if only some few individuals understand the solutions. The movement achieves success through extensive understanding from a large group of individuals within the society in relation to the need for a system which does not include murder people, a critical knowledge among the people about the description of the society’s visions and the concrete steps taken to ensure they are achieved. The 1990s historians about the steps that the media at that time took to create a new common understanding of race in the US. Typically, the new common understanding currently being established is that racism, together with the fight against it is non-existent in ancient history. As such racial activism did not conclude with the era of the Black Panther Party and King. Technology has been resourceful in the contemporary struggle in differentiating it with the era of civil rights and also continuing it. All the greatness and terror associated with the civil rights era is all over and near. The work of the Black Lives Matter certainly proceeds further than the civil rights era. It compelled restructuring of the national plat from by the Democrats to include matter including criminal justice reforms in addition to contributing to the election of African American leftist organizers to take up public offices.

The Black Lives Matter Movement’s relentless work with regard to matters such as police corruption assisted in compelling the release of unprecedented reports of United States Department of Justice which assert the widespread existence of police corruption. Furthermore, the publication of the movement relating to a landmark multi-agenda strategy platform, authored by several back-based organizations, laid plain the extensive policy objectives of the movement. Primarily, the BLM’s achievements have taken place quite fast and in an extraordinary manner. As such, the expansive cultural effect of the movement in relation to modern anti-racist politics has been immeasurably broad (Hinson, Healey and Weisenberg 2018, p24). The movement will for a long time be remembered for its work of popularizing the currently indispensable mechanism in the present century for organizing efforts: the ideology which scholars call mediated mobilization. The use of these mechanisms of social media ensures the modern anti-racist efforts by the Black Lives Matter movement the first American social movement throughout history which has been successful in mass mobilization using devices. The current successes of other movements would only be conceivable through the groundwork of movements such as the Black Lives Matter.

Many American audiences reject the view that images possess a philosophical intent, which is also true among black audiences. Vicious critical interrogation is in some cases, the sole practice which can penetrate the wall of repudiation users of images construct in a bid not to encounter the actual world of images construct, which is political. Typically, politics of domination tend to inform concerning the way a huge section of images individuals consume are made and marketed. Majority of blacks do not desire to think critically concerning the reasons behind their presence in theaters and enjoy the images presented as they ridicule and cruelly mock blackness. Consequently, there is currently constant attacks on identity politics from all over. The political rights view only a divisive attack on civilizational traditions. At the same time, the other side of the debate complains the dusk of collective visions which is the fragmentation of cumulative resistance politics. Meanwhile, scholars eaning towards post-structuralization, when confronted by movements regarding sexual, tribal, racial, gender and ethnic attachments, quicky trigger anti-essentialism (Clifford 2000, p.94). As such, it is evident that group identity is aggressively sustained and narrowly defined and can adversely affect the broader sphere of inclusive solidarities and the philosophical work of precisely defining people-hood and sense of a community.

The experience of African American is one characterized by constant resistance to state-sanctioned and systemic anti-Black cruelty. State-sanctioned viciousness is described as legitimate since it is in the benefit of the nation: violence is forbidden apart when it involves state agents. Further on, black people face anti-black violence on several fronts as multiple racial practices. Understanding the experience of black and their rejection of multiple forms of viciousness is possible through the use of critical race psychology (Crenshaw 1994). The latter takes on racism as systemic, highlights how neoliberalism propagates and develops racial hierarchies while emphasizing white identity, whereas other privileged identities to be property. Critical race psychology, however, suggests counter-storytelling as an effort to push against prevalent narratives. Influenced by critical race ideology and black liberation theory, the aforementioned perspective is inarguably suitable for understanding movements aimed at black liberation, responding to systemic violence against blacks. The perspective also widens the scope of view where race is seen as systemic, as opposed to bias or mere individual prejudice and to appropriately focus on perspectives of blacks.

The history of Black knowledge provides a structure for how African Americans cope with violence against them and liberate themselves in relation to the systemic context of the violence. Collective histories tend to play a critical role compared to individual histories. Consequently, Black people experience susceptibility based on destruction of capital, displacement segregation, deculturation and institutionalized oppression. In light of the oppressive forces mentioned above, it is important to have frameworks which focus on several tasks of Black liberation including information awareness on racial structure and racism, achievements and contributions of African Americans (Thornton and Gelder 1997, p.340). Their societal, economic and political position in community should also be mirrored in addition to cultural benefits which encourage empowered action. Completion of the above tasks through gaining understanding positively affects mental health hence protects African Americans from the toxic psychological impacts of racism. There are a number of action-oriented, cultural and intellectual labor intent on disrupting, cultural, social, economic and political norms which denigrate Black people and Blackness in general. Black Lives Matter continues the long resistance tradition.

If there is comparison of the relative progress of African Americans in terms of employment and education and the struggle to obtain authority over their representation, specifically in mass media, there is evidence of minimal change on racial representation. When one opens a book or magazine, turns on the television, watches a film or looks at photos in public spaces, there is mostly likely to be images of African American which re-inscribe or reinforce white supremacy. The images might be created by white people who still hold onto racism or by black people who might view the world in the perspective of internalized racism on white supremacy. Clearly, those focused on the struggle for back liberation to self-determination and freedom of all African Americans must daily encounter the catastrophic reality of the collectively made revolutionary interventions with regard to racial representation.

To face and heal the wounds of racial representation, progressive African Americans, as well as other allies in the fight, should be willing to give the effort critical intervention and change the world. As such, there is a need to make place authority in political liberation movements in addition to self-determination, regardless of whether black liberation, gay rights, anti-imperialist and feminist. If the latter is the case, there would be a constant reminder of the necessity to make a fundamental intervention. The concerned movements would regard critical the type of images produced and the manner of essential reports and talks concerning images (Macey and Moxon 1996). Most importantly, the Black Lives Matter movement would rise to the task of speaking issues which has been ignored in the past. For quite some time, African Americans have faced the challenge of expanding the debate on racial representation beyond the discussions of excellent or bad imagery. Frequently, what is considered to be worthy is simply a response against representations developed by white people which were manifestly stereotypical. However, currently, there are massive manifestations of African Americans, also creating and marketing stereotypical images.

Theorizing the experience of African Americans is quite difficult. Socialized within educational systems of white supremacy and a racial impounded mass media, most African Americans are persuaded about their uncomplicated lives and are hence unworthy of complicated reflection and critical analysis. Even those righteously focused on the struggle of black liberation, who feel there has been decolonization of minds, regularly find it difficult speaking of the black experience. An increase in the pain concerning the issues being confronted also raises inarticulateness. Typically, there lacks a proper language which can be used to describe the terrors of the life of African Americans. There is an abiding and direct association between maintaining white supremacist hierarchy in the society and institutionalization through mass media in relation to racial representation, specific images of blackness which encourage and sustain the overall domination, oppression and exploitation of all African Americans (Hooks 1992, p.2). Long prior to white supremacist reaching the shores of the United States, images of black people and blackness were constructed in an effort to uphold and also assert their ideas of racial dominance, political imperialism and will to enslave and dominate. Starting from slavery, white supremacists have identified that power over images is critical to maintaining any structure of racial dominance. Moreover, properly understanding the terrific character of colonial experience is possible through recognizing the link between representation and dominance.

However, the acceptance of identity politics has been in strain with dominant conceptions relating to social justice. Gender, race, together with other identity classifications, are frequently treated as vestiges of domination or bias by conventional liberal discourse. The above-mentioned categories have been treated as intrinsically negative structures which social power used to marginalize or exclude those who are dissimilar. According to the understanding mentioned above, the objective of liberation should be emptying these social significance classifications. Although implicit in some strands of racial freedom and feminist movements, the perspective of social power with regard to delineating difference, should not be anchored on domination. Rather, social power should be the source of social reconstruction and political empowerment. Identity politics does not face the problem of failing to transcend difference according to accusations from critics, but instead that it regularly ignores or conflates intragroup diversities (Alleyne 2002, p.608). With regard to violence against African Americans, the elision of diversity is problematic, essentially since the violence experienced by many women is regularly fashioned by their other-dimensional identities, such as class and race. Furthermore, ignoring within-group differences often leads to tensions among various groups. The latter is another problem associated with identity politics which frustrates attempts to raise awareness of violence against African Americans. Liberalist efforts to discuss experiences of African Americans along with anti-racist attempts of politicizing experiences of African Americans have often proceeded as though the experience and issues they each portrays occur on jointly exclusive terrains. Although racism readily intersects the life experiences of real people, they rarely do so in anti-racist practices. As such, when the practices explicate identity as a proposition, they tend to relegate identity to space which resists telling.

In sum, the Black Lives Matter movement has been more associated with human rights instead of a movement focused on civil rights. The focus of Black Lives Matter has been minimal concerning specific regulations and more concentrated on fighting for the essential reordering of the community where African Americans have freedom against systemic dehumanization. Consequently, the immeasurable impact of the movement on the legal and political landscape is indisputable. What is known as Black Lives Matter, in actuality, is the collective effort of a broad set of organizations fighting for Black liberation, each possessing their distinct individual histories. It is more evident that the sphere of racial representation remains one of struggle when contemporary images are critically examined in relation to black people and blackness.

References

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