Chinese Public Diplomacy Efforts in Greece

Chinese Public Diplomacy Efforts in Greece

Statement of Purpose

The past decade has seen China emerge a force to reckon with globally.  The country has been able to advance its economic, political, and social circumstances in various ways, which has helped in changing how the world perceives the country. This change in perception stemmed from the country’s public diplomacy efforts. Some of China’s public diplomacy policies have used the education sector to achieve foreign policy objectives. The purpose of this paper is to seek an understanding of China’s efforts in public diplomacy in Greece as they have to do with education.

Introduction

China’s profile as a country has transformed from a low profile to one that proactively participates in political, economic, and security issues regionally as well as globally, since 2003. The year 2010 saw China surpassing Japan in terms of Gross Domestic product, therefore becoming the second-largest economy in the world[1]. The increasing comprehensive national power increases the level of confidence in the leadership of the country, thereby improving its soft power. However, the country’s soft power trails that of its counterparts in the western world and even some emerging economies, compared to its hard power. China lacks international governance experience and familiarity with the global institutional framework’s established rules[2]. It is yet to see an effective transformation of its abundant soft resources into a national power. Such resources include social values, cultural norms, and historical heritage; education is one specific soft power resource that China can employ in its public diplomacy efforts. Most Chinese scholars have stated the need to pursue soft power more[3]. Considering the public diplomacy emphasis by the entire world, especially following the public diplomacy campaigns by America targeting Muslims after the 9/11 attacks, an increasing number of China’s government officials and scholars started calling for public diplomacy[4]. China’s public diplomacy approaches have changed since then.

By definition, public diplomacy entails several efforts that a particular government sponsors for purposes of enhancing the image of the nation to the world. It is a dimension of diplomacy that has to do with public interactions, not just on a global scale but also domestically[5]. Public policy in Chinese academia has two terms associated with the western public diplomacy concept. One called external propaganda, or duiwai xuanchuan denotes raising global awareness on China’s achievements and constructing a new image for the nation on foreign lands[6]. Diplomatic institutions do not control duiwai xuanchuanis. Instead, it falls under a more general state publicity system jurisdiction. Therefore, its primary role is idea and information dissemination by the use of mass media. However, the Chinese government is still relatively ambivalent regarding the overseas reception and interpretation of these messages. Another public diplomacy term is minjianwaijiao or people to people diplomacy, which highlights ordinary people’s significance in foreign affairs. Contrarily, China has no distinction between foreign affairs and diplomacy as the west does, whereby the scope of foreign affairs is broader than diplomacy, owing to their famous saying that “there are no small matters in foreign affairs.” Therefore, despite the presence of foreign affairs sections in various Chinese government agencies, strict adherence to the creed of diplomacy is required.

Consequently, the past decade has seen the government of China expanding its incentives and budgets to bring closer attention to its public diplomacy exercising[7]. In effect, an increasing number of dissertations and scholarly articles have placed their interest in Chinese public diplomacy, causing the ignition of various debates on the matter internationally. A milestone in China’s public diplomacy agenda was on July 17–20, 2009. On this day, President Hu Jintao attended the 11th Chinese diplomats meeting in Beijing. He urged Chinese envoys to be part of the global effort in promoting economic growth, safeguarding national security and sovereignty, maintaining stability, and following the one-China policy unequivocally[8]. This occurrence was the first time a top Chinese leader has acknowledged public diplomacy’s significance. President Ho asserted that the future’s primary strategic objectives should be promoting a China of more political influence, economic competitiveness, appealing image, and ethics. This statement expresses the country’s public diplomacy strategy[9]The CPC 18th Congress report has a clear statement of “firmly promoting public diplomacy and people-to-people exchanges as well as cultural exchanges”, thereby prompting high research requirements into the next decade of China’s public diplomacy. Following President Xi’s ascension to power in 2013, there has been a launch of a much more robust public diplomacy wave. The purpose of this paper is to seek an understanding of China’s efforts in public diplomacy in Greece as they have to do with education. The article will achieve this objective by conducting a literature review analysis of China’s public diplomacy.

Literature Review

According to experts, internationalizing post-secondary education facilitates the production of various impacts of significance to the soft power of a nation, for instance, in economics and politics. Mobile international students are in a unique position to change the presentation of a state, and the perception of the state’s fundamental values, thereby offering insight into the country’s culture through partnerships in academics and cultural practices for purposes of promoting mutual understanding and respect.

It is worth noting that China and other countries on the Asian continent have always had difficulties in advancing their agenda in various spheres due to how the world perceives them, especially by the west.  For instance, Chinese companies have always had problems penetrating foreign markets, particularly the markets on the west, due to the perception that China-made products cannot compete with the products made by corporations based in the west. This problem has especially been real for the telecommunications industry[10] China made products are always considered to be sub-standard compared to western products. Consequently, this perception has hindered Chinese companies from growing through expansion. Notably, the attitude of the west regarding China’s products has spread to other parts of the world, such as Africa, therefore causing the same effect of penetration difficulties due to the view of substandard products[11]. Economic power goes hand in hand with political power. Therefore, it became necessary to change this image through diplomacy to foster the growth of the country economically and politically.

The traditional approach to diplomacy where countries use their leaders to foster relations with other countries seems not to have been working in China’s attempt to change this perception on the ‘Made in China’ products[12]. Therefore, China had to change the way it approached diplomacy and adopted the public diplomacy dimension. This approach showcases the country’s culture and the skill of its people through an interaction with the Chinese citizens directly. The education sector has been one vital sector in advancing the public diplomacy agenda. It is possible to acquire education through various forms, such as through classrooms and work and cultural partnerships. Notably, this approach has helped in reshaping the perception of China, as seen in a significant improvement in its economic and political performance. Greece has been one of the countries where China has focused its energy to transform its image to the European nations. The reason why China chose Greece is that the port of Piraeus in Greece has a strategic location for China to be able to access all of Europe. Therefore, it had to start with establishing good relations with the Greek[13]. For instance, China bought Greece’s port of Piraeus, making it the first pillar of Europe’s new Maritime Silk Road by China[14]. This port has Chinese employees as well as Greek workers. Chinese workers at this port act as ambassadors to their country as they interact with the Greeks and other nationals. Additionally, this has served as an entry for Chinese Investors into Europe, where they have set up numerous corporations[15]. Most products with the ‘Made in China’ label are made in Greece nowadays, due to the massive foreign direct investment by Chinese nationals in Greece. Therefore[16]China is employing a cultural education approach in its public diplomacy policies with Greece.

In such an environment where the Chinese work with the Greeks, the Chinese can learn of new ways to produce products fit for the Greek population, by learning from the Greek workers. Notably, sometimes it is not that a particular brand’s product is wrong; it is the way it is presented and perceived by the masses. Therefore, learning the culture of the Greek people helps in creating products that would be acceptable to the Greek people[17]. In the same way, working with the Chinese helps the Greek to see the work ethic of the Chinese people, and understand their principles, values, and culture. The significant bit in this approach is the partnerships because it allows for customization of various products to suit specific populations, which helps in advancing China’s agenda by improving its image among the subject populations[18]. What is more, the two nationals can share the opportunities available in their countries to attract foreign direct investment and boost economic growth. The public diplomacy approach seems to be working for China, given the present economic growth being experienced, with partnerships all over Europe for mutual benefits. Huawei, for instance, now ranks among the top telecommunication companies in Europe and on the western market[19]. It has achieved this through various innovation partnerships with different governments and foreign corporations, where they learn about the target country’s values and culture and produce customized products for the audience, thereby improving their sales. Economic growth goes hand in hand with political power, which is why China now discusses various global issues with other world leaders. Therefore, the shift to public diplomacy in China’s foreign affairs has boosted the country’s economic and political growth.

Furthermore, the government of China has student exchange programs with the education ministry in Greece, where some Chinese students go to Greece to learn in their schools for a specified period. Similarly, the Chinese government allows some students from Greece into the Chinese classrooms[20]. This way, both groups of students get to learn about the fundamental values and principles of the other nation while going through its education system. Notably, the students will also be assessed based on the host nation’s assessment criteria to determine their progress in the different courses that they would be undertaking. By so doing, the two countries help the students to see how well they could integrate into the host country’s society, making it an option for them to consider having some kind of relationship with this host country on completion of the studies[21]. For instance, after the exchange program, the student could opt to pursue higher learning in that country or come back to set up a business there[22]. It also shows the host country students that their counterparts can perform just as well as they can, making it easier for the host nation to make room for the international students should they wish to stay in the country for one reason or another[23]. Additionally, the Chinese government has posted some individuals to oversee various operations in Greece, after the purchase of the port. These people relocate to Greece with their families. They have to learn a new way of life and integrate into society. Therefore, newly-arrived individuals have an easier time adapting to the country, because they would have someone to guide them through their assimilation into the new life, someone who understands where they come from and where they need to get to settle in well. Usually, the government can arrange for accommodation arrangements with a host family of Greek descent, to help the new arrivals to settle in, before sending in more people[24]. Therefore, living arrangements and student exchange programs are among the education practices that the Chinese government uses in public diplomacy.

A study by Hong establishes that the view of a host country can become favorable for most of the returning students. According to statistics, roughly forty percent were unaffected by their interaction with the Chinese people, less than ten percent citing an unfavorable view. These results were replicated in a report by Hubbert, who took part in a tour of China sponsored by the Confucius Institute for high school students. The report indicated contradictory results such as the fact that China is often viewed as problematic due to its many social and political issues, but still holds the promise and high expectations. These results are an indication that public diplomacy does carry relevant significance to the changing of perception regarding a specific country[25]. It might not change every individual’s perception, but it will change the view of a majority of these individuals. Additionally, for the ones that do not change their view of the country, they are still able to see the opportunities that a country has. Such a discovery can be reason enough to have them place their interests in the country with the expectation that it will bear fruit in the future[26]. It is worth noting that most people develop particular views and attitudes about a county based on what they see or hear through media outlets, or based on an individual’s narration of certain events, which could be subjective. Mostly, political leaders influence the way other people see their representative country. It is not unheard of that such political leaders make politically incorrect statements that cause negative responses and perceptions towards the land. For instance, Donald Trump, the US President, has come under fire for most of his remarks. One case is his opinion on the issue of global warming and his take on the subject of immigration in the US. However, his personal views should not be a reason to generalize the entire American population. Public diplomacy helps in addressing this issue. Therefore, interaction with the Chinese people allows people to form individual opinions on the country and its people.

Existing literature on China’s educational public diplomacy has a gap in that it does not demonstrate how it contributes to the shaping of perceptions in international contexts such as Greece. Most of the existing literature simply examines transnational higher education through a concentration on academic, social, and cultural transformations on an individual level, as well as the challenges in integration that students face in foreign lands[27]. For instance, one study demonstrates that studying in foreign learning institutions helps individuals to get higher academic qualifications.   Some of the learning institutions in foreign lands have accreditation that the local learning institutions do not have because they are renowned worldwide. A person who studies in a learning institution in the United States, for instance, will be considered as being more educated or intelligent compared to an individual who has studied in a local university in the home nation[28]. In the same way, a student who studies in a school in Greece will be a better candidate for any position in Greece compared to a student who will have studied in a school outside Greece. Therefore, an individual who studies in such schools becomes more competitive in the job market, not just locally but internationally as well.

Another study talks about the social and cultural transformations that students can undergo, such as learning to communicate better in a particular language, which is a second language to them. They also learn some values and norms of other societies, so that they are in a better position to interact with people of that culture and fit in. Such an individual would have a better chance of finding jobs in multinational organizations or corporations based in the host nation of education. Some studies reports have documented that individuals who speak English proficiently get more opportunities in terms of employment, business contracts, and even social networks[29]. On the other hand, individuals who speak English with an accent, or as a second language, face difficulties in the social, business, and employment scenes. On the contrary, this study conducts an exploration of China’s educational public diplomacy and how it affects Greece at large[30]. The study accomplishes this by establishing and gaining a more in-depth understanding of how transnational higher learning transforms views and attitudes in international relations, thereby fostering a mutual agreement between countries.

In conclusion, China has transformed its approach to foreign affairs policies in recent times. The country has acknowledged the significance of public diplomacy in international relations, one of the soft power resources that it has used is education. Education is attainable can be attained in classrooms or workplaces, and China has utilized both avenues. Some studies have reaffirmed the effectiveness of public diplomacy in changing the perceptions and views of a country by the world, while others have shown contrary reports. However, even the contradictory results show high expectations and promise from the respondents, which already indicates that they would have learned something about the country. Therefore, public diplomacy is effective in changing the perception of the world regarding a county.

Bibliography

Bentis, Angelos et al., China’s Image in Greece: 2008-2018. Athens, GR: Institute of International Economic Relations, 2018.

Custer, Samantha et al. Ties That Bind: Quantifying China’s Public Diplomacy and Its ‘Good Neighbor’ Effect. Williamsburg, VA: AidData at William & Mary, 2018.

Duchâtel, Mathieu, and Alexandre Sheldon Duplaix. Blue China: Navigating the Maritime Silk Road to Europe. London, UK: European Council on Foreign Relations, 2018.

Economy, Elizabeth. “The Game Changer: Coping with China’s Foreign Policy Revolution.” Foreign Affairs 89, no. 6 (November/December 2010): 142–52. https://www.jstor.org/stable/20788725.

European Business Review. “China’s Image in Greece: Great Expectations.” European Business Review, February 27, 2019. https://www.europeanbusinessreview.eu/page.asp?pid=2950.

European Commission. EU-China Student and Academic Staff Mobility: Present Situation and Future Developments. Brussels, BE European Commission and Beijing, CN: Ministry of Education of China, 2011.

Godement, François, and Abigaël Vasselier. China at the Gates: A New Power Audit of EU-China Relations. London, UK: European Council on Foreign Relations, 2017.

Hanemann, Thilo, Mikko Huotari, and Agatha Kratz. Chinese FDI In Europe: 2018 Trends and Impact of New Screening Policies. Berlin, DE: Mercator Institute for China Studies and New York, NY: Rhodium Group, 2019.

Hartig, Falk. “A Review of the Current State of Research on China’s International Image Management.” Communication and the Public 4, no. 1 (2019): 68–81.

Huliaras, Asteris, and Sotiris Petropoulos. “Shipowners, Ports, and Diplomats: The Political Economy of Greece’s Relations with China.” Asia Europe Journal 12, no. 3 (August 2013): 215–230. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10308-013-0367-1.

Kejin, Zhao. “The Motivation Behind China’s Public Diplomacy.” The Chinese Journal of International Politics 8, no. 2 (Summer 2015): 167–196. https://doi.org/10.1093/cjip/pov005.

Rosen, Tracy. “How ‘Made in China’ is Made in Greece: Chinese Capitalism at the Gateway to Europe.” PhD diss., University of Chicago, 2015.

Szczudlik, Justyna. “Towards a ‘New Era’ in China’s Great Power Diplomacy,” The Polish Institute of International Affairs 1, no. 161 (March 2018), https://www.pism.pl/publikacje/Towards_a_New_Era_in_Chinas_Great_Power_Diplomacy.

Tzogopoulos, George N. Chinese Investments in Gwadar and Piraeus. Athens, GR: Hellenic Foundation for European and Foreign Policy, 2019.

Yang, Rui. “China’s Strategy for the Internationalization of Higher Education: An Overview.” Frontiers of Education in China 9, no. 2 (2014): 151–162. https://doi.org/10.3868/s110-003-014-0014-x

[1] Godement, François, and Abigaël Vasselier. China at the Gates: A New Power Audit of EU-China Relations. London, UK: European Council on Foreign Relations, 2017.

[2] Economy, Elizabeth. “The Game Changer: Coping with China’s Foreign Policy Revolution.” Foreign Affairs 89, no. 6 (November/December 2010): 142–52. https://www.jstor.org/stable/20788725

[3] Economy, Elizabeth. “The Game Changer: Coping with China’s Foreign Policy Revolution.” Foreign Affairs 89, no. 6 (November/December 2010): 142–52. https://www.jstor.org/stable/20788725

[4] Kejin, Zhao. “The Motivation Behind China’s Public Diplomacy.” The Chinese Journal of International Politics 8, no. 2 (Summer 2015): 167–196. https://doi.org/10.1093/cjip/pov005

[5] Custer, Samantha et al. Ties That Bind: Quantifying China’s Public Diplomacy and Its ‘Good Neighbor’ Effect. Williamsburg, VA: AidData at William & Mary, 2018.

[6]. Custer, Samantha et al. Ties That Bind: Quantifying China’s Public Diplomacy and Its ‘Good Neighbor’ Effect. Williamsburg, VA: AidData at William & Mary, 2018.

[7] Szczudlik, Justyna. “Towards a ‘New Era’ in China’s Great Power Diplomacy,” The Polish Institute of International Affairs 1, no. 161 (March 2018), https://www.pism.pl/publikacje/Towards_a_New_Era_in_Chinas_Great_Power_Diplomacy

[8] Szczudlik, Justyna. “Towards a ‘New Era’ in China’s Great Power Diplomacy,” The Polish Institute of International Affairs 1, no. 161 (March 2018), https://www.pism.pl/publikacje/Towards_a_New_Era_in_Chinas_Great_Power_Diplomacy

[9] explicitly. Custer, Samantha et al. Ties That Bind: Quantifying China’s Public Diplomacy and Its ‘Good Neighbor’ Effect. Williamsburg, VA: AidData at William & Mary, 2018.

[10] Godement, François, and Abigaël Vasselier. China at the Gates: A New Power Audit of EU-China Relations. London, UK: European Council on Foreign Relations, 2017.

[11] Godement, François, and Abigaël Vasselier. China at the Gates: A New Power Audit of EU-China Relations. London, UK: European Council on Foreign Relations, 2017.

[12] Godement, François, and Abigaël Vasselier. China at the Gates: A New Power Audit of EU-China Relations. London, UK: European Council on Foreign Relations, 2017.

[13] Bentis, Angelos, et al., China’s Image in Greece: 2008-2018. Athens, GR: Institute of International Economic Relations, 2018.

[14] Tzogopoulos, George N. Chinese Investments in Gwadar and Piraeus. Athens, GR: Hellenic Foundation for European and Foreign Policy, 2019.

[15] Duchâtel, Mathieu and Alexandre Sheldon Duplaix. Blue China: Navigating the Maritime Silk Road to Europe. London, UK: European Council on Foreign Relations, 2018.

[16] Rosen, Tracy. “How ‘Made in China’ is Made in Greece: Chinese Capitalism at the Gateway to Europe.” PhD diss., University of Chicago, 2015.

[17] European Business Review. “China’s Image in Greece: Great Expectations.” European Business Review, February 27, 2019. https://www.europeanbusinessreview.eu/page.asp?pid=2950

[18] Rosen, Tracy. “How ‘Made in China’ is Made in Greece: Chinese Capitalism at the Gateway to Europe.” PhD diss., University of Chicago, 2015.

[19] Godement, François, and Abigaël Vasselier. China at the Gates: A New Power Audit of EU-China Relations. London, UK: European Council on Foreign Relations, 2017.

[20]Hartig, Falk. “A Review of the Current State of Research on China’s International Image Management.” Communication and the Public 4, no. 1 (2019): 68–81.

[21] Hartig, Falk. “A Review of the Current State of Research on China’s International Image Management.” Communication and the Public 4, no. 1 (2019): 68–81.

[22], Huliaras, Asteris, and Sotiris Petropoulos. “Shipowners, Ports, and Diplomats: The Political Economy of Greece’s Relations with China.” Asia Europe Journal 12, no. 3 (August 2013): 215–230. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10308-013-0367-1.

[23] Yang, Rui. “China’s Strategy for the Internationalization of Higher Education: An Overview.” Frontiers of Education in China 9, no. 2 (2014): 151–162. https://doi.org/10.3868/s110-003-014-0014-x

[24] Huliaras, Asteris, and Sotiris Petropoulos. “Shipowners, Ports, and Diplomats: The Political Economy of Greece’s Relations with China.” Asia Europe Journal 12, no. 3 (August 2013): 215–230. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10308-013-0367-1.

[24] Yang, Rui. “China’s Strategy for the Internationalization of Higher Education: An Overview.” Frontiers of Education in China 9, no. 2 (2014): 151–162. https://doi.org/10.3868/s110-003-014-0014-x

[25] Hartig, Falk. “A Review of the Current State of Research on China’s International Image Management.” Communication and the Public 4, no. 1 (2019): 68–81.

[26] European Business Review. “China’s Image in Greece: Great Expectations.” European Business Review, February 27, 2019. https://www.europeanbusinessreview.eu/page.asp?pid=2950.

[27] Hartig, Falk. “A Review of the Current State of Research on China’s International Image Management.” Communication and the Public 4, no. 1 (2019): 68–81.

[28] Yang, Rui. “China’s Strategy for the Internationalization of Higher Education: An Overview.” Frontiers of Education in China 9, no. 2 (2014): 151–162. https://doi.org/10.3868/s110-003-014-0014-x

[29] Hanemann, Thilo, Mikko Huotari, and Agatha Kratz. Chinese FDI In Europe: 2018 Trends and Impact of New Screening Policies. Berlin, DE: Mercator Institute for China Studies and New York, NY: Rhodium Group, 2019.

[30] Yang, Rui. “China’s Strategy for the Internationalization of Higher Education: An Overview.” Frontiers of Education in China 9, no. 2 (2014): 151–162. https://doi.org/10.3868/s110-003-014-0014-x