ORIGIN AND DEVELOPMENT OF HINDUTVA

2.1. Introduction

The root of Hindutva can be traced back to a long history of India. This chapter attempts to trace the emergence of Hindutva and its development in the history of India. The study does not follow a historical or chronological order in tracing the Hindutva, rather it deals with the ideological roots of Hindutva. While dealing with the organizations of the Hindutva and the ideologies and methods of the Hindutva movement, the chapter deals with selected thinkers, selected organizations and selected ideologies and methods of the Hindutva movement. This chapter attempts to give information on the roots of Hindutva. At the same time, it attempts to explicate the motives behind the Hindutva movement in India.

2.2. Roots of Hindutva: Resistance Against Colonialism

India is a country where religion is very central to the life of people. India’s philosophy as expounded in Hindu scripture called Upanishads is Sarva Dharma samabhava which means ‘respect to all belief system’.[1] Hinduism has always been defined as an inclusive religion with its pluralistic and tolerance tradition. While such being the case, the emergence, and growth of Hindutva change the face of Hinduism today as an arrogant and violent religion. Thus, the study will look into how the resistance against colonialism transformed into colonial power within its own nation.

2.2.1. Pre Indian Renaissance of 18th Century

2.2.1.1. Adi Sankara:

1. Kuruvachira observes ‘the first stirring of Hindutva’ can be investigated to Adi Sankara of Kalady in the 8th century A.D. He writes:

A towering personality of India in the 8th century A.D, and who possessed an unparalleled intellectual acumen, singular organizational ability and unmatched religious zeal. Using these qualities he changed the course of India’s religious history in favour of what we today know as Hinduism.[2]

Sankara advocated and developed the philosophy of non- dualism – Advaita Vedanta in which he used a antagonistic approach towards all other religions particularly against Buddhism. With his Brahmanism, he became the champion of Advaita Vedanta, a new religion and philosophy which was based on Upanishad. Sankara’s Brahmanism became the religion of the elite and practiced intolerance against all non-advaitic religions and worldviews.[3] Frank Whaling attempts to critique the notion that of ‘Sankara was responsible for the demise of Buddhism in India and one who restored the Hindu dharma against the attacks of the Buddhists (and Jains) and in the process helped to drive Buddhism out of India’.[4] While such being the case, it can be deduced that Whaling admits Sankara not only repudiated Buddhism but also played as the forerunner of Hindu renaissance. Karl H. Potter also opines that Sankara vehemently criticized Buddhism and considered it as heresy.[5] Therefore, Sankara may be regarded as the founder of modern Hinduism and the father of Hindutva though the term ‘Hindutva’ was not used explicitly in his contemporary.[6]

2.2.1.2. Shivaji:

The awakening of Marathas in their Hindu-ness against the advancement of Muslim rulers during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries was also regarded as one of the roots of the Hindutva movement. It was Savarkar who exalted and exaggerated Maratha confederacy and Shivaji in particular, a person who waged war for the independent Hindu empire in India. Savarkar writes:

Thus not only the generation of Shivaji, but the generations after him, were animated by the same noble spirit of patriotism, the consciousness of continuing the same sacred mission of winning back the political independence of the Hindu race and defending the Hindu Dharma from the attacks of an alien and barbarous foe. Mere freebooters and plunderers could not have obtained success in such a war against such a foe. It was a great moral and national force that braved and nerved and enabled the patriots of the generations to accomplish the deliverance of their country from a danger which another race in India had been able to withstand.[7]

Furthermore, prior to Savarkar, Bal Gangadhar Tilak had projected Shivaji as a ‘National Hero’.[8] Thus, aggressive resistance against the power of Muslim rulers was one of the formative factors for the Hindutva movement which has been seen today.

2.2.2. Hindu Renaissance

The roots of Hindutva can also be traced to the Hindu renaissance which has emerged since the eighteenth century A.D. Rodinmawia classifies forces that were responsible for Hindu renaissance into three: Firstly, the spread of English education; secondly, Christian Missionaries’ attack on Hinduism and thirdly, unjust rule of the British.[9] Kuruvachira also gives two factors for the emergence of Hindu renaissance: Firstly, to reform the religion from within and, secondly, to defend it against the external forces like Christianity, Islam, and the British.[10] However, the forces that were responsible for the emergence of the Hindu renaissance given above are more or less similar. The ideologies of selected Hindu reformers/thinkers and Hindu Organizations are discussed in this section.

2.2.2.1. Raja Ram Mohan Roy and Brahmo Samaj:

Raja Ram Mohan Roy (1772-1833) was the first leading Hindu reformer during the renaissance period. Roy founded Brahmo Samaj in 1828 which literally means ‘the society of the worshippers of One True God’.[11] Roy supported Christian missionaries in the abolition of evil practices, in the meantime, he was critical in conversion to Christianity through the works of Western missionaries.[12] Furthermore, D.S. Sarma asserts, “opposition to the Christian missionaries attacking Hinduism was as great as his opposition to the Hindu orthodoxy which defended the evil and corrupt practices of the religion.”[13] The idea of a Vedic ‘golden age’ when Hinduism was superior to Christianity was the doctrine of the Brahmo Samaj.[14]

2.2.2.2. Swami Dayananda Saraswati and Arya Samaj:

Swami Dayananda Saraswati (1824-1883) founded Arya Samaj in 1875, which had a different principle, “while the Brahmo Samajis focused on the religious dimension of the Vedic ‘golden age’, Dayananda argued that, in addition to its spiritual glory, Indian antiquity was imbued with cultural and social greatness. The Vedic epoch was in his construction no longer embodied only in spirituality but also in a people – in its culture and its land.”[15] The emergence of Arya Samaj can be thought of as the impact of Brahmo Samajis who tried to reform the society while criticizing the British and conversion activities of the Christian missionaries in the Hindu communities. This was considered as a threat to the Hindu identity.[16]

Dayananda assumed Sanskrit as the most perfect and mother of all languages; he attempted to dissuade the colonizer from changing Hindu customs by use of the laws and discouraged Hindus from admiring the West or converting to Christianity.[17] The Arya Samajis emphasized, “the cow as a symbol of Hinduness and its protection from daily, casual desecration by non-Hindus.”[18] Arya Samaj created a sense of superiority among the Hindus through instilling the spirit of unity among the Hindus and rigorous opposition to anti-Hindu and non-Hindu influence. The Samaj provided a sense of identity among the educated Hindus based on the closed criteria of a religious community.[19] The Arya Samajis like R.B. Lal Chand, Har Bilas Sarda, Madan Mohan Malaviya, Lala Lajpat Rai, and Swami Shraddhananda emphasized Vedic ‘golden age’ and promoted caste system as a functional tool of a harmonious society.[20] They were important figures for the emergence of Hindu Mahasabha.[21]

2.2.2.3. Bankim Chandra Cheterjee, Swami Vivekananda, and Sri Aurobindo Ghose

Bankim Chandra Cheterjee (1838-1894) was a Bengali writer and poet who was interpreting nationalism to the dignity of religion. For him, Hindu religion, patriotism, and motherland-India are inseparable.[22] He opined that there can be no progression in society without religion and Hinduism is the best of all religions. Therefore, he admitted that Indian nationalism is synonymous with Hindu nationalism and Muslims were the bringer of evil days in India.[23] Swami Vivekananda (1863-1902), after popularizing Hinduism in the West, and being afollower of Sri Ramakrishna Paramahamsa (1836-1886), founded Ramakrishna Mission in 1897.[24] Vivekananda and his Ramakrishna movement played a significant role in defending Hinduism from the Western missionaries’ criticism.[25] Moreover, ‘Vivekananda attacked secularism and denounced the secularization of life initiated under the Western impact on Indian culture’.[26] Ghose, a devoted Hindu thinker stressed that the source of nationalism is God rather than the patriotism of humans. He stated, “Nationalism is not a mere political programme; nationalism is a religion that has come from God. Nationalism is a creed which you shall have to live.”[27]

2.2.2.4. Lokamanya Bal Gangadhar Tilak

Lokamanya Bal Gangadhar Tilak (1856-1920) was considered as an extremist in Hindu nationalism.[28] His nationalism was revivalistic in nature. He wanted to popularize the message of the Vedas and Gita as the sources of the spiritual and moral life of the nation.[29] As an individual, he had solid pride in the Hindu religion and culture. As a political leader, he wanted to save the real interests of the Hindu individuals.[30] As he was a Hindu nationalist, Tilak influenced Savarkar and the Hindu Mahasabha, and Sangh Parivar.[31] Rodinmawia states:

With his militant zeal to defend Hinduism, he mobilized the Hindus to rise up and face the challenge posed by an ever-increasing and expanding religious traditions like Islam and Christianity; by this, he was able to awaken the passion of Hindus and is greatly responsible for the fundamentalist and fanatic movement following his footsteps.[32]

Thus, although the term Hindutva was not mentioned during the Hindu renaissance, the Hindutva movement had been developed in India as a resistance against Christianity brought by Western missionaries, Islam and the British administration.

2.2.3. European Fascism and National Socialism:

The leaders of Hindu fundamentalism drew inspiration from the fascist ideology of Mussolini and Nazism of Hitler. These two dictators’ nationalism was based on hatred of other races and Hindutva is based on hatred of other religions.[33] The Hindu Outlook and Mahratta which were published in the 1930s commended Franco of Spain, Mussolini of Italy and Hitler of Germany, who were the three tyrants in Europe.[34] Savarkar identified Germans and Hindu as a nation while Jews and Muslims as a community.[35] M.S Golwalkar displayed Nazi Germany drove by Hitler and Fascist Italy drove by Mussolini as good examples for his sort of Hindu Rahstra. He also suggested to adopt Germany’s Holocaust as a methodology to discard the minorities.[36] Kuruvachira comments the textbook which refers Hitler as ‘hero’ and ‘nationalist’, “the glorification of Adolf Hitler in one of the textbooks brought out by the NCERT in 2002 is also another example of the admiration of the Hindutva ideologues for Hitler.”[37].

2.2.4. Hindu Mahasabha: Hindutva As Colonialism

Arya Samaj’s principle of Vedic the golden age required the consolidation of the Hindu community and proclaimed nationalism based on religious fundamentalism. In the meantime, the Muslim leaders joined together and formed the Indian Union Muslim League in 1906. The immediate result of the formation of the Muslim League was the founding of Hindu Sabhas which were the parents of Hindu Mahasabha found in 1915.[38] The Hindu Mahasabha gained its prominence under the leadership of Vinayak Damodar Savarkar, who was a brilliant thinker with the background of western education. Two phrases are well noticed in his work – Hindu Rashtra and Hindutva. The core principle of Hindu Mahasabha was the unity of Indian as a single race, single culture, and single religion.[39] The ideology of Hindu Mahasabha set forth by Savarkar was known as ‘sanghatan‘ or Hindu nationalism. For Savarkar, this Mahasabha was the national representative of Hindudom in which the Mahasabha struggled for common language. Therefore, they considered Hindi as the eldest daughter of Sanskrit and they promoted it to be a common language.[40] Thus, the ideology of the Hindu Mahasabha was similar to the ideology of the Hindutva today; Hindu nationalism rooted in resistance against colonialism has become a colonial force against minorities in India.

2.3. Organizations of Hindutva: An Agencies of Hindu Colonialism

The term ‘Sangh Parivar’ is used to denote a collective body of the Hindu fundamentalist organizations, having one purpose which is a realization of ‘one people, one nation, one culture, and even one leader’. There are more than two hundred organizations under Sangh Parivar. The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP), and the Bajrang Dal are bigger bodies which are well known even in nationwide.[41] There are also smaller bodies that are necessary to mention in the study.

2.3.1. Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS)

The RSS was founded by Dr. Keshav Baliram Hedgewar a medical doctor in 1925 in the city of Nagpur. Hedgewar was convinced that a thousand years of foreign domination was responsible for the division among the Hindus.[42] The RSS leaders’ view echoed the ideas propounded by Savarkar and Golwalkar; they also advocated that ‘Indianize’ means adopting Hindu culture and assimilate into ‘Hindian nation’.[43] As the patriarch, the RSS controls over other organizations.[44] Jaffrelot states, “This organization-which quickly developed into the largest Hindu nationalist movement – was intended not only to propagate the Hindutva ideology but also to infuse new physical strength into the majority community.”[45] It is a religious and cultural fundamentalist organization as well as a racist outfit which wants to wipe out the minority communities in India or subjugate them at least. It promotes monolithic society demanding for one race, one culture, and one language.[46] RSS classifies two troublemaking bodies – Muslims and Christians as anti-national, and capitalism adopted by western elites. They propose socialism or communism to create a better India.[47] After BJP came to power in India, RSS has become an indirect ruler in India behind the political scene.

2.3.2. Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)

The BJP is at the confluence of several bodies of Hindu fundamentalists’ thought and action ranging back to the Hindu Mahasabha, the RSS, and the VHP, Jana Sangh (JS) and the Janata and Swatantra parties.[48] After the occurrence of ideological differences and conflicts within JS which was founded in 1951, the BJP was founded in 1980. This new party diluted the strong ideology of JS in order to attract voters and allies under the leadership of A.B. Vajpayee.[49]

The BJP is the political wing of Sangh Parivar, “but it too demands recognition of Hindu India – of Hindi as the language of (northern) culture in place of Urdu the language of Mughal conquest, ayurvedic medicine alongside Western practice, cow protection, the removal of special privileges for minorities, respect for traditional forms of social order, and the maintenance of a strong Indian state, vigilant and well-armed. At its most poignant, the dream has been of Ram-Rajya – the kingdom of Rama.”[50] The BJP leaders were involved in the demolition of the mosque to rebuild Ayodya temple on 6th December 1992. After that, BJP reverted into a moderate line and gained political powers in different States. From 1998 till 2004, the NDA led by BJP run the government.[51] It came to power again since 2014 General Election. Hindutva movements have been seen more than ever in their tenure.[52]

2.3.3. Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP)

VHP was founded in 1964, though it led a low profile existent until the late 1970s, it has become one of the most important branches of Sangh Parivar. It concerns the connection between the religious establishment and the RSS.[53] It tends to organize the unorganized Hindu religion in the form of a centralized structure. VHP has made connections with gurus who run their own ashrams.[54] The objectives of VHP at the outset were, firstly, to consolidate Hindu society; secondly, to spread Hindu values of life; thirdly, to create a link with Hindus living outside India and to welcome back and rehabilitate them as part and parcel of Hindu society.[55] Furthermore, ‘Ghar wapsi’, and the protection of cows are the main projects of VHP. Christianity is considered as anti-national and demanded to expel Christian missionaries. They also demanded the eradication of all special provisions for the minorities.[56] VHP projects constructions of mandirs in various places in order to build Hindu rashtra.[57] Hence, VHP is the religious wing of Hindu fundamentalist organizations putting efforts to assimilate minority communities in order to create Hindu rashtra.

2.3.4. Bajrang Dal and Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram (VKA)

Bajrang Dal means ‘army of Hanuman, a monkey god’. It was founded by VHP in 1984 as its youth group. The group is popular with its militancy and fundamentalist and exclusivist nature. The group is actively working in different parts of India particularly in rural areas to prevent conversion from Hinduism. It is identified with protection of Hinduism and the protection of cow with aggressive forces and participation in the demolition of the mosque in Ayodhya.[58]

The VKA was founded by RSS in 1952. It is founded to promote ‘Hindu norms’ among Tribals. It is working to counter the Christian missionaries’ activities in line with the method of Christian mission.[59] Therefore, the Hindutva movement in India applied different methods, Sangh Parivar is introducing any possible methods to achieve its goals- which is making Hindu rashtra.

2.4. Ideology and Method of Hindutva: An Ideological Colonialism

2.4.1. Cultural Superiority: One Nation One Culture

The Hindu nationalists promote the Vedic golden age which is also called as a glorious past. Kuruvachira remarks that Dayananda Saraswati observed that the Aryans of the Vedic era were God’s chosen people to whom God revealed the perfect knowledge of the Veda. V.D. Savarkar argues that many nations had flourished and disappeared in history but only the Hindu nation maintains continuity with its ancient roots.[60] Moreover, the Hindu religion has been propagated as Sanatan Dharma – ‘eternal religion’ and the fountainhead of all knowledge. M.S. Golwalkar also argues in the metaphorical terms that the Hindu race is a Lion that will strike down the enemy with its mighty arm.[61] Thus, Hindutva promotes cultural superiority over other cultures to assimilate into one nation one culture that is Hindu culture.

The cardinal principle of Hindutva is the solidarity of all Hindus not only Indian Hindus but Hindus in the whole world as the concept of pan-Hinduism. While such being the case, the Hindutva’s project of a single nation, a single culture, single religion, and single language advocate the establishment of ‘Hindu Raj’ and demand to declare India as a Hindu State.[62]

The Hindu nationalists claim that nationalism is a religion, not politics and that nationalism is rooted in Hindu ethos; it is founded upon common religion, culture, language.[63] John Zavos asserts that Hindu nationalism is defined as an ideology which seeks to create a community on the basis of common culture – a culture shaped by a particular notion of Hinduism.[64] Savarkar in his presidential speech argues that if the United States with its mixed population deserves to be called nation, the Hindus must be entitled to be called as a nation without a single problem-a country of a common race, religion and language entitled to be called a nation, so for that, the movement emerged.[65] The Hindutva’s attempt to build monolithic society includes re-inscription of the Brahmanic hegemony[66] which approves caste hierarchy in society. Therefore, the Hindutva agenda of ‘one nation, one religion’ is an attempt to build Hindu State and have become a threat to assimilating the cultures of the religious minority communities.

2.4.2. Saffronization of Education

Saffronization of education has been initiated by Arya Samajis emphasizing classical learning in Hindi and Sanskrit. In line with this, the BJP and the NDA government are working hard to saffronize the Indian education following the Hindutva agenda in its educational reforms.[67] The Hindutva agenda on education includes firstly, Indianized, nationalized and spiritualized of higher education. Secondly, incorporating the essentials of Indian cultures in all courses. Thirdly, incorporating Vedas and Upanishads in the basic curricula. Fourthly, Sanskrit must be obligatory between standard III to X. Lastly, amendment of Article 30 which is an educational provision for minority communities.[68] Hiren Gohain also asserts, “J.S. Rajput, Director of NCERT affirms that the old and superseded framework had erred by overstressing a secular outlook and neglecting the spiritual heritage of the country. That balance was to be restored by introducing value education, and since values according to him are sanctioned by religion, ultimately religious education.”[69] The top officials in different streams of education belong to the saffron group and as a result of this, Hindu ideologies and Hindu mythologies are added in the school syllabus.[70] Kuruvachira listed out:

1) The class IX textbook, Contemporary India intentionally forgets to mention that Mahatma Gandhi was shot dead by Nathuram Godse, a Hindu fundamentalist.

2) Based on the Hindutva’s project of ‘to get rid of disgraceful alien name’, in the new NCERT textbooks, the Indian Ocean has been changed into ‘Hindu Mahasagar, the Arabian Sea into ‘Sindhu Sagar’ and the Bay of Bengal into ‘Ganga Sagar’.

3) In some books authored by Hindutva ideologues, Jesus Christ is reported to have spent several days in the Himalayas and acquired knowledge and inspiration for Christianity from Hindu sadhus.

4) The revised UGC syllabi for the Indian universities also show a similar pattern of saffronization.[71]

Hence, the Hindutva movement utilizes education to spread its ideology extending to the inclusion of false information.

2.4.3. Attempts to Change the Constitution of India

The Hindutva forces call the present-day secularism as ‘pseudo-secularism’ and call for revising of the Constitution, primarily for its ‘double talk’ on secularism.[72] They argue that secularism in India today means secularism that is applause for Islam and Christianity and denunciation of Hindu society, Hindu culture, and Hindu history and denunciation of everything which is Hindu. Out of such misinterpretation, the Sangh Parivar proposes positive secularism or genuine secularism. This positive secularism proposed by BJP is Hindutva and the ideology of Hindu Rashtra.[73] It is the pacification of the minorities to the detriment of the majority and demanded that special provisions and rights for minorities be removed.[74] Hence, the Constitution needs to be revamped and as India is a Hindu Rashtra, there should be a Hindu Constitution.

The Sangh Parivar argues that the Constitution which guarantees religious freedom in Article 25, the Indian culture as a composite culture in Article 51, special privilege to the state of Kashmir in Article 370, a special consideration for Nagaland in Article 371A and a special status of Mizoram in Article 371G are anti-Hindu in nature and are distortive. Another law which they alleged as anti-Hindu is Article 30 which guarantees minorities the right to establish and run institutions based on their own culture.[75] Therefore, they demand that the Constitution of India be amended. As a result of this, the Government of India under BJP ministry abolished Article 370 which guaranteed the special status of Kashmir effective from August 5th, 2019.[76]

2.4.4. Attempt to Fabricate Indian History

In trying to develop India as Bharatiya Rahstra, Savarkar opined that the Hindu history can be traced back to 5000 years, but Kuruvachira asserts that this was based not on facts but imagination.[77] Romila Thapar also states, “History tells us that 5000 years ago there was neither a Hindu nation nor a Hindu history nor a Hindu consciousness.”[78] She further states that the two epochs which Savarkar considered ‘Golden Epochs of Hindu history’ were Chandragupta Maurya who ruled India two thousand years ago with Jaina tradition and the reign of Ashoka with Buddhism.[79] M.T. Cherian asserts that following Golwalkar’s proposal of the idea of re-writing Indian history to suit the Hindu interpretation of history, the Sangh Parivar is attempting to change the Indian history.[80] When the BJP came to power at the Centre in 1998, they established the National Curriculum Framework (NCF) to change textbook content.[81] The Sangh Parivar affirms that the Hindu nation has existed for 8000-10000 years.[82] They claim that India is Hindu Rashtra, all Indian belong to the same ancestors. Therefore, ‘Ghar wapsi’ is applicable to all Indian citizens.[83] They also argue that in the democratic Indian country, the majority, the Hindus must have a dominant role in all spheres of societal life.[84] Therefore, it can be assumed that there is an attempt to fabricate Indian history as Hindu history through the power of majority.

2.5. Conclusion

The idea of Hindutva sprung up with an antagonistic approach towards other religions. The resistance against the advancement of Muslim rulers in India was one of the important roots for the emergence and development of Hindutva. During the period of Indian renaissance, Hindutva was nurtured through the contributions of Hindu nationalists. In this period, Hindu nationalists focused on the reformation of the Hindu religion from within; they also fought against the negative attitudes toward the Hindu religion which had been developed through western education. The Hindu ideologues addressed the Christian missionaries’ attack on Hinduism, the growing population of Muslims and the unjust as well as divide and rule policy of British colonialism. Furthermore, the Hindutva imported ideology from European fascism and National Socialism which transformed Hindu nationalism into racism and militancy in nature. At the outset, Hindutva adopted postcolonial theory; it emerged as resistance against ideological, physical, political, and geographical colonization. While such being the case, the Hindutva gradually transformed into colonial force and its ideologies become ideological colonialism against non-Hindu race, culture, language, and religion. The Sangh Parivar became an agency for implementing colonial ideologies with an attempt to eradicate the minority communities in India or subjugate them at least. Therefore, the Hindutva movement in India can be seen as ideological colonization with dominant power within the country.

[1] Suprita Dash, “Origin and Evaluation of Secularism in India,” IOSR Journal of Humanities and Social Science (IOSR-JHSS) 22.7 (2017): 5.

[2] J. Kuruvachira, Roots of Hindutva: A Critical Study of Hindu Fundamentalism and Nationalism (Delhi: Media House, 2005), 80.

[3] Kuruvachira, Roots of Hindutva, 81–82.

[4] Frank Whaling, “Sankara and Buddhism,” Journal of Indian Philosophy 7.1 (1979): 1–42.

[5] Karl H. Potter, Encyclopedia of Indian Philosophies, Vol 3: Advaita Vedanta Up to Samkara and His Pupils (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1981), 13.

[6] Kuruvachira, Roots of Hindutva, 82.

[7] V.D. Savarkar, Hindu-Pad-Padashahi or A Review of the Hindu Empire of Maharashtra (Madras: B.G Paul & CO., 1925), 20.

[8] Kuruvachira, Roots of Hindutva, 90.

[9] Ralte, Hindus and Hindutva, 11.

[10] Kuruvachira, Roots of Hindutva, 91.

[11] Gauri Shankar Bhatt, “Brahmo Samaj, Arya Samaj, and the Church-Sect Typology,” Review of Religious Research 10.1 (1968): 24.

[12] Christophe Jaffrelot, Hindu Nationalism: A Reader (Delhi: Permanent Black, 2007), 7.

[13] D.S. Sarma, Studies in the Renaissance of Hinduism in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries (Benares: Benares Hindu University, 1944), 72.

[14] Jaffrelot, Hindu Nationalism, 8.

[15] Jaffrelot, Hindu Nationalism, 9.

[16] Christophe Jaffrelot, The Hindu Nationalist Movement and Indian Politics 1925-1990s (New Delhi: Penguin Books, 1999), 14–16.

[17] Jaffrelot, Hindu Nationalism, 9–10.

[18] John Zavos, “The Arya Samāj and the Antecedents of Hindu Nationalism,” International Journal of Hindu Studies 3.1 (1999): 59.

[19] M.T. Cherian, Hindutva Agenda and Minority Rights: A Christian Response- Study of Hindu Fundamentalism and Its Impact on Secularism in India From 1947-1997 (Bangalore: Centre for Contemporary Christianity, 2007), 165.

[20] Jaffrelot, Hindu Nationalism, 38–78.

[21] Zavos, “The Arya Samāj and the Antecedents of Hindu Nationalism,” 58.

[22] Ralte, Hindus and Hindutva, 19–20.

[23] M.K. Haldar, Renaissance and Religion in Nineteenth Century Bengal: Bankim Chandra Chetterjee (Calcutta: Minerva Associations Pvt. Ltd., 1977), 93–105.

[24] C.V. Mathew, The Saffron Mission: A Historical Analysis of Modern Hindu Missionary Ideologies and Practices (New Delhi: ISPCK, 2001), 116–17.

[25] Ralte, Hindus and Hindutva, 134.

[26] B. G. Gokhale, “Swami Vivekananda and Indian Nationalism,” Journal of Bible and Religion 32.1 (1964): 42.

[27] Peter Heehs, “Bengali Religious Nationalism and Communalism,” International Journal of Hindu Studies 1.1 (1997): 121.

[28] Ralte, Hindus and Hindutva, 26.

[29] Vishwanath Prasad Varma, “Political Philosophy of Lokamanya Tilak,” The Indian Journal of Political Science 19.1 (1958): 16.

[30] Varma, “Political Philosophy of Lokamanya Tilak,” 16.

[31] Mathew, The Saffron Mission, 150.

[32] Ralte, Hindus and Hindutva, 27.

[33] Puniyani, Contours of Hindu Rashtra, 164.

[34] Jaffrelot, The Hindu Nationalist Movement, 51.

[35] Kuruvachira, Roots of Hindutva, 92.

[36] Shamsul Islam, Golwalkar’s We or Our Nationhood Defined: A Critique With Full Text of the Book, 5th ed. (New Delhi: Pharos Media, 2018), 24–26.

[37] Kuruvachira, Roots of Hindutva, 94.

[38] Ralte, Hindus and Hindutva, 30–31.

[39] Cherian, Hindutva Agenda, 178.

[40] Cherian, Hindutva Agenda, 182–85.

[41] Ralte, Hindus and Hindutva, 39–40.

[42] Walter K. Andersen and Shridhar D. Damle, The RSS: A View to the Inside (Gurgaon: Penguin Random House India Pvt. Ltd, 2018), xii.

[43] Jaffrelot, Hindu Nationalism, 18.

[44] Puniyani, Contours of Hindu Rashtra, 60.

[45] Jaffrelot, Hindu Nationalism, 16.

[46] Cherian, Hindutva Agenda, 204.

[47] Walter K. Andersen and Shridhar D. Damle, The Brotherhood in Saffron: The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh and Hindu Revivalism (New Delhi: Vistaar Publication, 1999), 72.

[48] Dennis Austin and Peter Lyon, “The Bharatiya Janata Party of India,” Government and Opposition 28.1 (1993): 38.

[49] Jaffrelot, Hindu Nationalism, 20.

[50] Austin and Lyon, “The Bharatiya Janata Party of India,” 38.

[51] Jaffrelot, Hindu Nationalism, 21.

[52] “For the BJP, Elections are About Hindutva and not Development,” The Telegraph, 24 April 2019, accessed 25 Oct 2019, https://www.telegraphindia.com/opinion/for-the-bjp-the-elections-are-about-hindutva-and-not-development/cid/1689297.

[53] Thomas Blom Hansen, The Saffron Wave: Democracy and Hindu Nationalism in Modern India (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1999), 101.

[54] Jaffrelot, Hindu Nationalism, 19.

[55] Hansen, The Saffron Wave, 101.

[56] Ralte, Hindus and Hindutva, 54.

[57] Hansen, The Saffron Wave, 103.

[58] Ralte, Hindus and Hindutva, 59–61.

[59] Jaffrelot, Hindu Nationalism, 18.

[60] Kuruvachira, Roots of Hindutva, 20–21.

[61] M.S. Golwalkar, We or Our Nationhood Defined (Nagpur: Bharat Publications, 1939), 12.

[62] Cherian, Hindutva Agenda, 78–179.

[63] Kuruvachira, Roots of Hindutva, 26.

[64] John Zavos, The Emergence of Hindu Nationalism in India (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2004), 5.

[65] V D Savarkar, “Hindu Rashtra Darshan,” Presidential Address- Akhil Bharatya Hindu Mahasabha, 19th Session at Karnavati, 1937.

[66] Cherian, Hindutva Agenda, 186.

[67] Cherian, Hindutva Agenda, 248–49.

[68] A. Pushparajan, “A Secular Critique of Hindutva,” in Hindutva: An Indian Christian Response, ed. J. Mattam and P. Arockiadoss (Bangalore: Dharmaram Publications, 2002), 241–42.

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