The 2016 Election of Donald Trump to the U.S. Presidency

The 2016 Election of Donald Trump to the U.S. Presidency

Social experts have severally interpreted the presidential victory of Donald Trump as resultant from economic, social and political dynamics.  This consist of a constant class struggle in the setting of rising social and economic inequality, fear of Muslims in an international context where terrorism has become prominent, race and racism bitterness in a post-Obama period and a reassertion of outdated gender roles. Understanding Trump’s victory is essential as there is need to know what it symbolizes. I argue here that a fundamental if not the primary aspect in the electoral success of Donald Trump. And most of what to date seems to be his policy agenda depends on white supremacist assumptions and deep-rooted racism in U.S. cultures and institutions.

In recreating the modern freedom philosophy of Du Bois, I form his involvement to redefining the racially-inclusive majority. This majority involves the moral ideal of the American civic society and the moral citizenship right. I also give in to Du Bois, thinking that the simple structure must realize the equivalent moral standing of every American. But he bases the social order rationality to its capability to liberate past slaves and their offspring (Du Bois 1998, 113). A standard description of social inequality originates from the sociologist Max Weber, and it composes of three vital forms of inequality. The first is “social class” found on the marketplace. The second and the most significant difference founded on the estimations of honour is known as “status group”. The third type of stratification is “party” where the distribution of power is evident.

Du Bois

Du Bois retains that even though racial identity meaning is mostly open to change. Racial identity is filled historically with normative importance whose expression is incomplete. Being half-finished totals to a racial ideal that is yet to convey its meaning to the world (Du Bois 1986, 819). For Du Bois, there is a moral debt that must settle up. The ultimatum to repay the debt stems from the moral definition of citizenship, indicating a practical citizens’ capability for justice (John Rawls, 217).

This racial epitome, Du Bois claims, discloses common ethical instincts and spiritual feelings that generally meet on visibly-embodied modification. This transformation is outstandingly the skin colour, while enormously rising above it (Du Bois, 818). We would then have to challenge in the Democratic Party what Du Bois states is the racial identity importance as a racial ideal. He describes it, considering the colour line problem. It is, therefore, necessary to tell apart Du Bois’s racialism doctrine from two main approaches that conceptualize plurality in the political liberalism framework. On a racialist principle, the racial identity content accumulates historically. Liberal plans risk complicating the importance of evident example that brings out the meaning of racial identity by Du Bois.

In a struggle to appeal to employees regardless of the economic and social gap, Trump repetitively stated his liking for the middle-class group over the rich. His preference was towards populist guidelines, and he placed himself as a political arena outsider and a defender of ordinary people. This self-presentation resonates diligently with the white working-class American’s interpretations of the administration which they regularly frame as colluding with well-off donors. Even if white working individuals criticize the morals of wealthier persons, many approve their commercial characteristics. Therefore Trump’s massive fame and wealth as a prosperous entrepreneur was in his favour when it came to pleasing the working class. He repeatedly defined immigrants as a probable threat to the American folks.

Max Weber

The most significant and commonly cited essays for defining social inequality is Max Weber’s article. The “Class, Status, Party” article interpreted from German to English by Gerth and Mills (Weber, 248-272). In the article, Weber stresses that status groups develop from the most straightforward societal nature whose basis is in the community. This distribution of honour is what is essential in recognizing where value prudence originates (Lockwood, 527). The social class differences according to Weber surface from bureaucracies where economic benefit is assigned a minus reference to honour, scorn, affection, preexisting relationship and privilege.

So Weber stresses that class, status and party develop out of their marketplace homes, honour and politics in that order. Boundaries amongst the three social stratification forms. These boundaries originate from the reasoning behind the difference between instrumental and value rationality (Litchbau, 454). Eventually, Weber’s perceptions are that society fixed its assessments of comparative honour. Without a doubt, it is in such arrangements that nations make their specific history. They do not make these changes less than the conditions chosen by themselves. They make them under conditions directly initiated, agreed and spread from the past (Marx, 595).

Trump made a strong appeal to the working-class in the 2016 election. Trump’s victory was as a result of a broad-base plea whose concentration was on voters, especially the white working-class Americans who assisted in overturning the balance. He benefited from well-known boundaries in his petition to workers but also illustrated more hardened limitations concerning undocumented immigrants, refugees and Muslims. His capitalization on white workers longing to impose what they consider their correct place concerning other minority groups. He also misused the pressures that have developed ever since the post-2008 downturn for workers overall. This downturn was as an outcome of their downward movement represented by the loss of homes and jobs due to class separation, increased competition, globalization and the developing concentration of wealth.

The fact that a rare politician has the ability to plea to a specific audience does not describe the complete mystery of the electoral victory of Trump in 2016. It, therefore, is significant in clarifying the vital role that white employees played in overturning the electoral stability. This overturn has shown through the white employees who are the actual group whose votes altered most when equated to the previous presidential elections. Overturning is the reason social experts must pay heed to the boundary work of this group. It is beneficial at a period when it’s political, social and economic places have revolved in essential ways.

There exists a debate by journalists and scholars’ alike if this victory is because of persistent racism or by economic aspects. Trump took the politically downgraded white working class back to the voting booth. He did this by nurturing differences through reinforcement of the boundaries created amongst socially stigmatized groups. This difference is through repetitively swearing on the moral shortcomings of the undocumented immigrants and refugees. Carefully scrutinizing boundary work in electoral contests, it is possible to significantly progress the understanding of the social change in converting common descriptions of cultural affiliation.

References

Du Bois, W.E.B. “The Conservation of Races in W.E.B. Du Bois.” New York: The Library of America, 1986: 819.

Edgell, P., Gerteis, J. and Hartmann, D. “Atheists as ‘other’: Moral Boundaries and Cultural Membership in American Society”, American Sociological Review, 2006:211-26.

Eliasoph, N. “Scorn Wars: Rural White People and Us”, Contexts, 2017:58-62.